Why PM Narendra Modi would love to see a united Opposition in 2019. . .

The Bharatiya Janata Party’s national executive meeting this weekend in Bhubaneswar underscores its intent, and optimism, to conquer the east and the south, where regional parties dominate the political landscape. The two-day mega show in the capital of Odisha, a state that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is trying to project as a “laboratory” for his “development agenda”, will likely push regional parties to close ranks. It comes weeks after the Hindu nationalist party, with a landslide victory in Uttar Pradesh, demonstrated it can take on regional parties in their bastions.

At this point, the BJP is on a roll; and its leader, PM Modi, appears unstoppable from returning to a second term in 2019. But two years is a long time in politics. A lot can happen between now and the next Lok Sabha elections, just as it did in the first three years of Modi’s tenure. Shortly after the BJP swept to power in May 2014, it suffered a humiliating defeat in the Delhi state polls. Months later, Nitish Kumar and Lalu Prasad succeeded in forging a winning front in Bihar. Also around this time, Rahul Gandhi’s narrative of Modi’s being a “suit-boot ki sarkar” was beginning to find takers. In no more than two years of winning a historic mandate, Modi had begun to lose grip, until Assam happened. The BJP was quick to learn the mistakes it had made in figuring out the arithmetic of caste and religion in Bihar. It was quick to cash in on the Assam victory and turn the tide with spectacular wins in elections that followed – from local body elections in Mumbai and Odisha to the big-ticket fight in Uttar Pradesh.

Along with its political goals, BJP must also have a plan to stimulate job creation. . .

It is to serve these goals that Mr Modi gave a new gloss to the BJP’s OBC outreach. The political resolution adopted at the weekend conclave in Bhubaneswar, therefore, highlighted the government’s recent move to accord the National Commission for Backward Classes a constitutional status.

The OBCs account for nearly 52% of India’s population whose support can make or break a party. These social groups gradually aligned themselves with regional players as the Congress grew weaker. The rout of Mayawati and Mulayam Singh Yadav in Uttar Pradesh gives the BJP a hope that the OBCs were mobilising behind the party. Mr Modi’s plan also includes reaching out to backward Muslims. He reiterated the BJP’s stand on banning triple talaq, a move largely aimed at winning over women from the minority community. The OBC and Muslims outreach is also aimed at weakening the regional players, particularly in northern and eastern India, who thrive on these vote-banks

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, however, sought to raise the bar, urging party leaders to aim big and expand — ideologically, geographically and socially. He set new targets: Winning in states that go to polls between now and the next Lok Sabha elections in 2019; winning in those 120 Lok Sabha seats that the BJP has never won; and winning the support of those communities that have shunned the party in the past.

Along with its political goals, BJP must also have a plan to stimulate job creation. .. . .

The two-day meeting of the BJP’s national executive ended on Sunday on a high note. A new level of confidence among the party’s rank and file marked the conclave that came close on the heels of the its emphatic victory in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand, and its success in retaining Goa and wresting Manipur from rival Congress.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, however, sought to raise the bar, urging party leaders to aim big and expand — ideologically, geographically and socially. He set new targets: Winning in states that go to polls between now and the next Lok Sabha elections in 2019; winning in those 120 Lok Sabha seats that the BJP has never won; and winning the support of those communities that have shunned the party in the past.

A progressive framework for macro-economic policy. . . . .

The idea of a fiscal council has been proposed at a time when the country has created a monetary policy council to decide the policy rate and a GST council to administer the new unified Goods and Services tax regime that will come into effect later this year. India is clearly moving to a new and progressive framework for macroeconomic policy.

The declining sex ratio will affect us socially, economically and politically. . . .

All things being equal, women would outnumber men, the girl child is more likely to survive in infancy than the boy. But in India, according to a Youth in India report brought out by the ministry of statistics and programme implementation, the sex ratio is declining steadily. From 939 women to 1,000 men in 2011 it is projected to fall to 898 by 2031. This should set off alarm bells in the government, civil society groups and the law. This ratio is man-made through selective sex determination with the aim of getting rid of the girl child, early death due to neglect and infanticide. But there is no reason why things cannot be set right.

The consequences of a falling sex ratio are already evident and none of it is good news. The shortage of women has led to a sharp rise in violence against them. This has led to a situation where, apart from the ingrained son preference, people don’t want girls all the more as they feel that it is difficult to keep them safe. In a study done by the Centre for Social Research in Haryana, fear of violence is a cause for female foeticide. Also the women who produce daughters face much more domestic violence which makes them complicit in getting rid of the girl child. The ugly social practice of polygamy has made a comeback in certain areas as well as forcible marriages of widows and purchasing of brides from poor areas. With the advances in technology, sex determination has become easier very early on in pregnancy with fatal consequences for the girl child.

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With Mannargudi mafia sidelined, AIADMK must focus on governance. . .

The political battle within the ruling All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) in Tamil Nadu appears to be heading in the right direction. In the early hours of Wednesday the rebel faction of the party’s MLAs headed by former chief minister O Panneerselvam joined hands with a majority of MLAs in the opposite camp, now headed by current chief minister Edappadi K Palaniswami, to sideline party general secretary VK Sasikala and TTV Dinakaran, Sasikala’s nephew and the AIADMK’s deputy general secretary.

Since the demise of AIADMK leader and chief minister J Jayalalithaa in December, Sasikala and her family members have taken over the party structure, or what little of it that exists. This was a move widely opposed by the party cadre.

Politically, the continuation of Sasikala or any member of the infamous ‘Mannargudi mafia’ comprising her family members in the AIADMK should be a concern of the party. But because there isn’t a clear church-state separation, it is most likely that party leaders would meddle with the free functioning of a democratically-elected government. Thus, the sidelining of Sasikala and Dinakaran in the AIADMK is a positive move. One could argue that there could be better ways of handling this crisis, but there’s little doubt that the ouster of leaders charged with corruption will send the right message to the rank and file of the party.

It is hoped that with this internal churning the ruling party in the southern state gets a grip on itself and turn its focus on governance. While the ruling party’s legislators were gravitating from one power centre to the other, in the national capital the protest by drought-hit farmers from Tamil Nadu entered its 38th day. The protest is just an indicator of the dire situation in the state. Tamil Nadu is facing a severe drought with alarmingly low levels of water in reservoirs and power outages becoming a regular feature.

Babri demolition case: After 25 years, and two more in the offing, there is no closure on this. . . . . .

It is inexplicable why the process has taken so long and that too in such a landmark case. Much of what happened over the course of the past 25 years has faded from public memory and we know very little of what became of those who lost loved ones and property in the malevolent aftermath of the fall of the mosque. The Babri case is indicative of how justice that has been delayed so much eventually amounts to justice denied. This should occasion a serious review of how badly and ineffectively the criminal justice system works. However, even at this late stage, the fact that the court has said there will be no adjournments is welcome. Ideally, the submission of the Liberhan report should have seen the case concluded. The court’s move may be a setback to the BJP’s veteran leaders. But it is equally a setback for those who have been waiting 25 years for some sort of closure.