All the roads that lead to Kabul

The optics could not have been more significant. Just a day after U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson was in Kabul and on the day he landed in New Delhi, Afghan President Ashraf Ghani was hosted by India. As Mr. Tillerson chided Pakistan for not doing enough against terrorists operating from its soil, Mr. Ghani in New Delhi was underlining that the time had come for Islamabad to make a choice between abandoning state sponsorship of terrorism and facing the consequences. It was as perfect a piece of diplomatic choreography as it could get, aimed at sending a message to Pakistan that regional equations are shifting in a direction which will only isolate Islamabad if immediate corrective measures are not taken.




Mr. Ghani’s visit came at a time when the Trump administration’s South Asia policy has underscored India’s centrality in the ‘Af-Pak’ theatre. As Washington plans to increase its military footprint in Afghanistan, it is tightening the screws on Pakistan for supporting terrorism as an instrument of state policy. Both Washington and Kabul now view New Delhi as a player with considerable leverage over the evolving regional dynamic.


A central feature of the Trump administration’s new Afghanistan policy is an outreach to India. “We appreciate India’s important contributions to stability in Afghanistan, but India makes billions of dollars in trade with the U.S. and we want them to help us more with Afghanistan, especially in the area of economic assistance and development,” Mr. Trump had said in August while outlining his new South Asia policy.


Kabul has wholeheartedly embraced this strategy, with Mr. Ghani terming it a “game-changer” for the region as it “recommends multi-dimensional condition-based approach for the region.” In Delhi, he was categorical in attacking Pakistan by suggesting that “sanctuaries are provided, logistics are provided, training is provided, ideological bases are provided.” In a remarkable move, he went on to suggest that Afghanistan would restrict Pakistan's access to Central Asia if it is not given access to India through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) project. He referred to the Indo-Afghan air corridor as an effective response to Pakistan’s attempt to deny India and Afghanistan any direct access. He also strongly rejected Islamabad’s claims that India was using Afghanistan as a base to destabilise Pakistan. He made it clear that there were “no secret agreements” between Kabul and New Delhi.












 

The Development of the Gujrat. . . Lets discussion. .

The development of Gujrat after the NM era.




The little dramas around the BJP attempt to video Congress meetings, “offer” of bribes to Patel dissenters adds a touch of spice, a hint that the BJP is not as confident as earlier predicted. There is a dramatic energy to these situations. Mr. Gandhi for once seems content and capable in the driver’s seat. He looks fresh, well-groomed, well-shaved, holding forth confidently on demonetisation and GST. There is no longer a sense of fatalism, of the inevitability of defeat. The Congress at the local level has a few things to crow about, including performance in panchayat elections, thanks to the skill of its State unit chief Bharat Singh Solanki. The addition of Mr. Thakor vitaminises the party further. These are local chieftains from local territories who know local mathematics. It also highlights the unease among Thakors and Patels which might need fixing. Then there is Hardik Patel, a perpetual machine of dissent and dissatisfaction, casting doubts on whether Patels fit the Modi development model. One senses the emergence of a politics growing beyond resentment, a feeling that development in Mr. Modi’s world may not be as inclusive as he promises.


Watching these political tremors (or hiccups, depending on your perspective), one senses a demand for the different and the new. Beyond this one senses that the government has not only alienated a few dominant castes but is indifferent to Dalit feelings and sensibilities. The tremors of discontent combined with a new aura of competence the Congress has begun projecting conveys the possibility of a dramatic struggle. There is a sense that the local is emphasising its vitality again and as a wag put it, “A dogfight in Gandhinagar maybe more important than an election in Japan.”


Experts, used to the predictable grids of interest group politics, who believe caste has the supreme theme, might dismiss such speculation as trite and temporary. To this friends in Gujarat add that the Navnirman agitation too began as a flicker in the pan. But realistically, one senses that doubts about the economy and the spectre of unemployment that haunts the youth are creeping in. The BJP is seen as a split world, electorally formidable but economically incompetent. The stars are still there but the sky is getting dimmer. The dour pictures of Mr. Modi and Amit Shah inadvertently add to the gloom. The BJP might return to power at the Centre but a few upsets at the State level might add space to the future of regional politics.


But there is a symbolic challenge here that we must examine. Gujarat today is iconic of the BJP. A change in vote share, even marginal, might bruise not just the political egos of the Modi-Shah combine, but make the BJP feel less symbolically confident and less all knowing. They will be seen as bumblers of electoral math on home territory, a crime the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) may not forgive the BJP for. It might create a buzz in national politics, catalyse the voter into thinking about side bets and alternatives. The immediate impact on the electoral fate of parties may not be so important. One senses the BJP effort to make assurance double sure in its attempts to offload a bonanza of lakhs of crores on the economy.

A Drama I surprise to see,In Gujrat.Lets have a argument..

The Gujrat state has different type of rhythm and anticipation ,It is almost grab to alter the surplus ideas.


 Politics is sometimes seen as more than a stage where a predictable plot plays out. It is seen as a drama reflecting broader dreams and interests, a sense not just of who wins but what the game is about. One senses this in the recent events around the Gujarat elections. Commentators reduce the recent challenge to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to an aberration of the Patels. The standard caste scenarios so readily available before the elections start playing out. Interests are no doubt important, and it is easy to portray them in a realist scientific language. But sometimes something more nebulous such as a sense of the political game becomes tacitly significant.


A New Script :-


Watching television, listening to expert insights between the sentences, one senses a mood of boredom about the BJP — maybe it is a boredom of its current inevitability. People want to see new stories, new characters, new scripts. They want to give all players “a chance”. The word chance is no longer an English word. It has been indigenised to mean a possibility of fairness, of luck, of an affirmative action in politics that allows other players an opportunity to show their mettle. Often as you talk of local candidates or a weak opposition the electorate would say, “They need a chance.” It is a sense of openness that sustains the quality of the political game and allows politics to often become the world of the unexpected. Watching Gujarat, especially Gujarati TV which is less linear than the English in allowing a play of body language and a sense of the vernacular, one senses a different rhythm, a sense of anticipation, a need for difference.

The Govt Strategy and Role to strenthen the Economy .A discussion .

The economy o0f india will the backbone of our internal and external strength including defense security and protection.


The Central government is betting on a two-pronged strategy, revealed this week, to rescue the economy from the slowdown. Along with recapitalisation of public sector banks, it announced a huge roads project, which will help scale up public spending on infrastructure and boost job creation and growth. The plan is to spend almost ₹7 lakh crore to build 83,677 km of highways, traversing mostly the northern and eastern parts of the country, by March 2022. The government estimates that the Bharatmala Pariyojana, which constitutes a major component of this plan, could itself create as many as 14.2 crore man-days of work directly, in addition to permanent jobs after completion. The benefits to the economy are likely to be significant if the programme, as envisaged, manages to successfully connect 550 districts as well as coastal ports to national highways, among other things. While it is hard to quantify the likely economic benefits from the project, Transport Minister Nitin Gadkari expects the contribution to GDP to be significant. With money flowing in from the government and market borrowings, funding is unlikely to be an issue. The same, however, cannot be said about the other familiar challenges in the infrastructure space


With this massive roads project, Prime Minister Narendra Modi may be banking on replicating, or even bettering, the National Highways Development Project of the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government. However, its success will depend largely on how the government tackles problems that have held back the implementation of infrastructure projects over the last couple of decades. While ₹2.09 lakh crore of the ₹5.35 lakh crore Bharatmala investment will be funded by market borrowings, over ₹1 lakh crore is expected to come in the form of private investments. Private infrastructure companies already reeling in the aftermath of aggressive past bids and leveraged balance sheets will need more clarity to be genuinely interested in such projects. This is an opportune time for the government to bring out of cold storage the blueprint for reviving public-private partnerships — prepared about two years ago by a panel headed by former Finance Secretary Vijay Kelkar. Just as it isn’t clear why the government waited three years to unleash the full gamut of reforms needed to fix the banking sector’s bad loan mess, it is difficult to understand why little has moved on the PPP framework after the Kelkar report came in late-2015. The NDA government’s very first Budget allocated ₹500 crore to create a new body called 3P India to reboot the earlier PPP route that had left several projects stranded, with developers fleeing in the face of execution issues. That institution is still to see the light of day, while land acquisition reforms attempted in the NDA’s first year have also been abandoned. More attention is needed on these fronts to ensure this infrastructure ramp-up delivers, and on time.

The International Politics,The India-US bilateral ties

The Bilateral ties between the India -US will further be more strengthen and will provide better benefit to the common people..


Of the seven countries he visited last week, U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson chose to focus on India while spelling out his strategic vision. Just before starting the tour, he gave a speech on India-U.S. ties that was as broad as it was deep, talking of the road ahead together for “the next 100 years”. He reserved his most ambitious words for the role of India in the U.S.’s plans in two spheres. In Afghanistan, as a part of President Donald Trump’s new South Asia policy, and in the Indo-Pacific, as part of U.S. plans to counter China’s influence and contain North Korea. On both counts, Mr. Tillerson’s talks in New Delhi with External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj and Prime Minister Narendra Modi made progress in developing a common vision, but appear to have made little movement on the specifics. For instance, he is said to have “minced no words” when it came to tackling Pakistan’s support to terrorist safe havens. Yet, the groups he referred to are not those that directly threaten India, but Afghanistan and, by extension, the U.S. soldiers based there. As for Indian hopes of increasing trade and development aid to Afghanistan through the Chabahar route, Mr. Tillerson’s assurance that Washington does not seek to bar legitimate trade is welcome. However, it remains to be seen whether India can significantly ramp up cooperation with Iran to further its interests in Afghanistan at a time when the U.S. maintains its policy of isolating the Iranian leadership.


Finally, both Indian and U.S. officials spoke in detail, and in public statements, about building an alternative coalition to counter China’s Belt and Road Initiative as well as its aggressive moves in the South China Sea — yet Mr. Tillerson did not add clarity on where the funding would come from. For its part, India desisted from any clear commitments on joint patrols to ensure freedom of navigation in the SCS, or even on the foundational agreements the Indian and U.S. militaries must conclude to deepen cooperation in the region. While India and the U.S. have taken great strides in aligning their vision and their hopes for future partnership, reality often trips up such lofty goals. One reason is geography — while American troops remain in Afghanistan, it is difficult for the U.S. to completely disengage from Pakistan. For India, while a maritime relationship with the U.S. is desirable, geographic proximity to China makes a very close alliance with the U.S. difficult. The other issue pertains to the strategic confusion within Washington and Mr. Trump’s withdrawal from U.S. commitments in Asia, Europe and at the UN, drawing questions about its reliability as a partner. Given this, it may have been too much to expect more than the warm handshake and the encouraging words of hope Mr. Tillerson delivered.

The politics of crop burning

While every year the fields of Punjab make it to the headlines as contributors to pollution, it is no surprise that stubble burning has also taken a political colour in the State. Opposition parties are busy blaming the ruling party. The main opposition party in the State, the Aam Aadmi Party, has declared its support for the farmers while accusing the ruling government of failing to secure farmers’ interests


“The State government has failed to arrange for the equipment and machinery required for ploughing paddy straw into the fields. Until it makes alternative arrangements for consumption of paddy straw into the soil as per the directions of the NGT, the State government should refrain from taking action against farmers,” says Sukhpal Khaira, a senior AAP leader


The Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) says the Congress government has “victimised” farmers in the name of management of crop residue. “Registration of cases against six farmers for burning paddy stubble in Sangrur district is proof that the Congress government was dealing with the situation with a heavy hand despite loud claims by Chief Minister Captain Amarinder Singh that no cases would be registered against farmers in this regard,” says SAD president Sukhbir Singh Badal.


The Chief Minister has responded to the criticism by accusing the Opposition of misleading people.


As the government attempts to enforce the ban in the face of defiance, farmers have turned to guards to ensure that their work goes on unhindered. They have formed groups in villages to confront government officials from taking any legal action against those burning paddy residue. “We will not let officials enter our villages,” says Korjiwala. “We have formed groups of 12-15 farmers and whenever any of us has to burn the residue, we all get together at that field to ensure that no government official can enter the farm.”

Possible sollution of the problems to the pollutions in NCR and its neighbour

It is auspicious and to inform about the solution of the problems occur by the farmers.


One of the ways to resolve the problem of stubble burning would be by generating power through biomass energy plants. In Punjab, of the total paddy straw, nearly 4.3 million tonnes is consumed in biomass-based projects, paper, or cardboard mills and animal fodder, while a small portion is managed through other systems such as machinery and equipment. The rest of the 15.4 million tonnes of paddy straw is burnt on the fields. Punjab has a substantial availability of agro-waste, which is sufficient to produce about 1,000 MW of electricity, but the State government’s incentives for biomass-energy plants haven’t been enough.


“We buy paddy straw [baled] from farmers to use it for generating power. We pay them ₹1,300 a tonne, but we can operate in a radius of not more than 45 km. Beyond that it is not economical for us to work,” says Ravinder Singh, plant manager at the Punjab Biomass Power Limited in Ghanour, Patiala.


Singh says the government should promote the setting up of biomass power plants. They will not only solve the problem of stubble burning but also generate electricity for the State, he notes. At present, Punjab has seven biomass-based power plants with an installed capacity of 62.5 MW.


To tackle the problem of paddy residue, the Ludhiana-based PAU is working on in situ decomposition of paddy (rice) straw, with microbial application and without mechanical effort. “An isolate Delfitia spp, if sprayed on rice straw, decomposes it in six weeks. Efforts are being made to reduce the decomposition period to about four weeks. This approach will hold to reduce the cost of retaining the straw in the field for its benefits to the soil,” says Dr. Jaskaran, Dean of the College of Agricultural Engineering and Technology at PAU.

Pollutions and Penalties for the Burning of the residue .A discussion .

The govt has already provide a role and restriction on the burning of residuals .But still some farmers burn the residue. So what will be the penalties and the fine of it.


There are many ways to tackle the problem, but a ban is not one of them, says Satnam Singh, president of the Bharatiya Kisan Manch, a consortium of 13 farmers’ unions. “The State government needs to focus on crop diversification. Instead of paddy [common rice], basmati varieties of rice should be encouraged. Basmati is manually harvested, so the problem of crop residue can be largely curtailed. Also, farming of sugarcane and vegetables needs to be promoted. Setting up more biomass-based energy plants is an option,” he says.


At his native village in Beru in Patiala, Satnam Singh points to the thick smoke billowing into the sky at a distance. “Our fellow farmer is burning residue in the field. It’s not as though we are happy inhaling this smoke but we don’t have an option. Before this smoke reaches Delhi, it affects our health. We are with the government to find a solution, but a ban is not the answer,” he says.


The story is the same everywhere. In Mirapur village, Jarnail Singh, who is preparing his 25-acre field for the next crop, is annoyed with the Amarinder Singh government. “During the recent Assembly polls, all parties, including the Congress which was voted to power, promised to resolve our problems but now the government is itself aggravating them,” he grumbles. He says he will burn the residue in the next few days unless at least ₹5,000 per acre is given to him to dispose of the residue crop.


While the Punjab Pollution Control Board (PPCB) has been imposing penalties on farmers who have been found defying the ban, the farmers hardly seem deterred. PPCB officials admit that there have been several cases where farmers have confronted government officials.

The Govt.Step on the offence on Residue burning in Punjab.

This is the great and sensitive topics to stop the spreading pollution in NCR and nearby State.


Govt and Indian Constituencies already banned all the activity of burning such matter and announced the illegal activity .


The despite the rule and regulation some farmers still burning the residuals.


According to Gandhi it is very confidential and important to respect every individuals and serve them .The every single problem if it is related to Govt must be solve by the administrator at that place.


Now bring a discussion on the issue which hamper the conventional laws.


To show that it intends to follow the diktat of the NGT, the Punjab government has chosen Kalar Majri village in Nabha area of Patiala district as a model project for implementing the tribunal’s directions and to sensitise farmers about the management of crop residue. It spares no efforts in advertising the village. The government claims that it has provided the required number of machines to farmers in Kalar Majri, and that equipment is already operational across 67 acres. Also, steps are being taken in six other villages of Patiala district to facilitate residue management.


The State government has also gone on the defensive, stating that the issue of paddy residue burning has been flagged off with the Centre with a demand for compensation to the tune of ₹100 per quintal for management of paddy straw. It has also proposed that such compensation should be given only to those farmers who efficiently manage paddy straw without burning it. Punjab has sought ₹2,000 crore assistance from the Union Agriculture Ministry for this purpose.


“We have taken several measures including providing the Happy Seeder,” says Jasbir Singh Bains, director of the Punjab Agriculture Department. “This is a machine developed by the Punjab Agricultural University (PAU) to plant wheat directly into harvested paddy fields without any other major operation, and to promote the use of straw baler and straw management machines for residue management. With machines like Happy Seeder, the straw is partly cut, chopped, and left as mulch. Mulch helps in reducing irrigation requirement and blocks the emergence of weeds. The crop planted with Happy Seeder is less prone to lodging. This is more profitable than conventional cultivation.” He adds: “However, urgent intervention of the Central government is needed. Unless financial assistance is provided by the Centre for boosting farm mechanisation, it is difficult for us to completely stop stubble burning.”


Bains says farmers in Punjab, especially small and marginal farmers, are already facing severe economic distress. To ask them to remove crop residue mechanically or through environment-friendly measures will only add to their misery. “We have been providing machinery on subsidy, but even that puts an additional burden of around ₹3,000 per acre on farmers for paddy straw management,” he says

A ban that’s a bane,Bane on burning the residue of the remain wastage crop in near of ncr,A discussion

Thanking you for providing me the moment to elaborate my idea with the hindu.


In 2015, the NGT was forced to stop the practice of stubble burning after thick smog enveloped the northern skies with the onset of autumn yet again, and acute respiratory problems were reported to be worsening in the national capital. The NGT banned the burning of paddy straw in four States — Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh — and Delhi.




In its order, the tribunal fixed a penalty for burning paddy residue. The fine for small land owners with less than two acres indulging in crop burning is ₹2,500. For medium landowners holding land over two acres but less than five acres, it is ₹5,000. And those with over five acres have to cough up ₹15,000 for every instance of crop burning.


The NGT also ordered the State governments to take punitive action against persistent offenders. It also directed the four States and Delhi to make arrangements to provide machinery free of cost to farmers with less than two acres, ₹5,000 to farmers with medium-sized land holdings, and ₹15,000 to those with large land holdings for residue management.




Jagdish says he hasn’t received the amount to which he is entitled. “What then are my options?” he says. “To engage labour or machinery will cost me somewhere between ₹4,000 and 5,000 an acre, which I can’t afford.” The NGT order has only added to his woes, he says — the burden of an agricultural loan he had borrowed from banks and commission agents is already weighing him down. “Farming has become a loss-making venture,” he laments.


Such sentiments among farmers are commonplace. According to State government data, there are around 18.5 lakh farming families in Punjab. Around 65% of them are small and marginal farmers. Of the 5.03 million hectares of area constituting Punjab, around 4.23 million hectares are under cultivation. As the State mainly follows a rice-wheat cropping pattern, it contributes 60% to the wheat bowl and 40% to the rice bowl of the central pool. Around 75% of its population depends directly on agriculture.




Harpreet Singh, 30, is from Dharamgarh village in Mohali district. He says he is ready to face the legal consequences of defiance. “Time and cost are both crucial,” he says. “I have to prepare my land to sow wheat in the next few days. If I engage machine or labour, both of which are difficult to find, for clearing the paddy straw, it will be a time-consuming effort. It will delay my sowing of wheat and I will have less yield. Besides, it’s expensive.”


Harpreet has three acres in his joint family farm. “Farmers of my village have decided to collectively burn the residue. I’ll go with them,” he says


Paddy is grown on an average area of around 30 lakh hectares in Punjab. After wheat, it is the biggest crop in the State. It is sown as monsoon arrives and its harvest starts from October first week. This is when trouble begins. After harvest, around 19.7 million tonnes of paddy straw is left on the fields and has to be disposed of to make way for wheat. Of this, 70-75% of paddy straw is burnt in open fields to clear the land for sowing wheat or other crops — it is the quickest and cheapest way of getting rid of the residue.


Besides disregard for the ban, with the support of several farmers’ unions, farmers have also cautioned the State government against taking stringent action against them. Several unions have made it clear that if police cases are registered against them, the government will have to face the consequences in the form of large-scale agitations.
“We don’t want confrontation, but if we are pushed, we will not sit quiet. Instead of asking us not to burn the residue, the State government should first fulfil its duty. As directed by the NGT, it should provide us machines and equipment,” says Avtar Singh Korjiwala of the Bhartiya Kisan Union Ekta (Dhakonda).

Despire the ban of crop burning ,Punjab farmars still burning the residue of the field .According to my opinion a discussion.

Barely 10 km from Patiala,the home town of Punjab"s  chief minister Captain AmarinderSingh,Jagdish Singh is busy gauging the speed and direction of the wind in the tiny village of Rabirpura to find the right time to set his paddy crop residue on fire.
He looks worried .
With autumn setting in early morning dew poses a problem.


""the weather has to be calm"", the 40- years old farmers says, "else the fire could spread to my neighborhood farm in no time and cause a lot of damage. I have to be careful.




It is auspicious and human kind to all the Punjabi inhabitants and farmers not to burns such residue ,as it pollute the air of delhi and neighbor state air.


This restriction was also applicable to the farmers of Haryana and Rajasthan farmers .

Jagdish bends down and clutches a handful of paddy straw residue that is spread across his five-acre field. It has to be bone dry to catch fire, he explains. Looking up at the sky, he thinks he will finish his job before dusk. But before setting out to do the task, Jarnail has to be cautious for another reason: there are strict orders from the government to stop such activities. He squints into the distance to check if there is a government official lurking around.


It is not as though Jagdish wants to be defiant. He is well aware of the National Green Tribunal’s (NGT) order banning stubble burning, but unless the State government offers financial incentives to farmers, he says, he is “compelled to burn the harvested crop’s residue.”