Monday, June 17, 2019

Account for variations in oceanic salinity and discuss its multi-dimensional effects.

Oceanic salinity is depending on multiple factors , at the equator is mild because high amount rain fall( though evaporation is more), if go to poles it increases but once we cross the tropics it again reduce. Seas enclosed by continent are more saline than open seas, fresh water flow to oceans will reduce salinity. Precipitation reduces salinity while evaporation increases the salinity. Wind also influence, if wind flow is high water get spread over a larger area, which reduces salinity. Ocean currents also contributed for variation of salinity

Effects of salinity :
1. Salinity determines compressibility, thermal expansion, temperature, density, absorption of insolation, ocean currents, evaporation and humidity.
2.It determines the presence of marine resource including creatures like fish.
3. Sea surface salinity can have dramatic effect on the water cycle and ocean circulation which in turn affects the climate of planet.
4. on sea voyage , travelers also get effected.
5. Ships, maritime vehicles, submarines, war ships , strategic installations near by sea and in islands are also effected.
6.local whether conditions also changed in coastal areas.

The spirit of tolerance and love is not only an interesting feature of Indian society from very early times, but it is also playing an important part at the present

Indian society from very early times is tolerant society, our ancient religions like, Buddhism, Jainism preaches us tolerance and path of nonviolence. There were attacks from foreign rulers, internal wars were fought, but incident of communal riots, communal attacks among different sections were not taken place in the Indian history. Though attackers, rulers plundered the temples and destroyed them belonging to different religions, but people never fought among themselves by taking it as a pretext. We accepted foreign culture without any hesitation and assimilated in our culture. Level of acceptance shown at Foreign religions like Islam, Christianity revels the tolerant levels of Indian society.

Except Cholas no Indian ruler invaded any foreign Territory, we accepted many hegemonies. We fought independent struggle under the aegis of Mahatma Gandhi with principle of nonviolence and tolerance. Satyagraha is the best example to that in modern times. Even today in our country we are choosing Satyagraha as the best method to achieve our demands, that heritage have been continuing even today. Though sometimes politicians, antisocial elements, communal organizations trying to disturb the order, but still common man is showing lot of tolerance. If their genuine concerns are there they will fight with the government but not with the other sections. Accepting the culture, movies, dressing style etc. Shown that our tolerance levels of the day..

Wednesday, June 12, 2019

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation holds out benefit for India

The first multilateral summit Prime Minister Narendra Modi will attend in his second term will be the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) get-together in Kyrgystan. The SCO is among a set of strategic bodies that India has signed up to as a geopolitical hedge rather than because it is clear how membership will further long-term strategic interests. That the media interest is more about the possibility of Mr Modi’s meeting Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan and his face-to-face with China’s Xi Jinping is not without reason.

Nonetheless, it is important that India continues to invest in SCO. The body has shown slow but steady development as a counterterrorism body and could potentially become the basis of a trading arrangement in the region. But India’s struggle to engage Central Asia and the Eurasian heartland is severely hampered by geography. The lack of a common border with Central Asia, the cordon created by Pakistan and China, the complexity of setting up a land-sea connection via Iran and Afghanistan severely constrains India’s economic footprint. Central Asia’s trade with Indian is about a fiftieth of the region’s trade with China. The possibility of a United States withdrawal from Afghanistan will only increase the difficulties India already faces.
India’s original entry was promoted by Russia to counter the influence of China in the region. Since then, Moscow has aligned itself with Beijing. The primary supporters of an active Indian role are the Central Asian countries themselves, desirous of geopolitical options beyond the two giants to their north and east. China’s overweening position is so evident that India had to agree not to directly criticise Pakistan in Bishkek. But many SCO members are pleased to join in poking Pakistan through more general statements about terrorism. Yet SCO is no one’s puppet: even China’s hopes for an SCO development bank and free trade agreement were shot down by others. These and similar pointers indicate there are enough chinks and gaps for India to exert leverage, so long as it is realistic about how far its writ will run.
Thank you so much.

India must focus on rebuilding trust with Lanka

India should help heal the divided island of Sri Lanka. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s short visit to the island was designed to show solidarity with Sri Lanka after its recent terrorism trauma. But he also sought to urge Sri Lankans, a country unusually crisscrossed by faultlines given its small size, to avoid the path that led them earlier to civil war. Sri Lankan President Mahinda Sirisena took some of this to heart when he announced his country needed to avoid creating a “Muslim Prabhakaran” — a reference to the late Tamil separatist leader. Such statements have been rare since the Islamic State-inspired attacks, in part because some Sri Lankan politicians supported reprisals against the Muslim minority.

New Delhi must walk a tightrope when it tries to influence Sri Lanka. India’s blundering interventions and Sinhalese unwillingness to admit its own mistakes in the civil war has meant there is much resentment of New Delhi. This residual suspicion has geopolitical repercussions. It encouraged the last Sri Lankan regime to embrace Beijing so tightly that the island economy is now the textbook example of a Chinese debt trap. The lack of trust seems to have also been one reason the Sri Lankan leadership ignored Indian intelligence warnings about the terror attacks.
Rebuilding a degree of trust at the highest levels is important for India. But this will not happen overnight. In its own strange way, the terror attacks have given India an opportunity to repair some of the past damage. Modi took pains to meet all the heads of the three warring Sri Lankan political parties: President Sirisena, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and the opposition leader Mahendra Rajapaksa. He also met the chief ministers of all the provinces and the Tamil minority parties. The Indo-Japanese contract to build a new port terminal in Colombo was also finalised, helping remind Sri Lankans of the economic benefits of a rising India. There was a time when New Delhi thought it could be first friend of all interest groups in Sri Lanka. India should continue to strive for that goal but accept it will be a long and winding path.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation holds out benefit for India

The first multilateral summit Prime Minister Narendra Modi will attend in his second term will be the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) get-together in Kyrgystan. The SCO is among a set of strategic bodies that India has signed up to as a geopolitical hedge rather than because it is clear how membership will further long-term strategic interests. That the media interest is more about the possibility of Mr Modi’s meeting Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan and his face-to-face with China’s Xi Jinping is not without reason.

Nonetheless, it is important that India continues to invest in SCO. The body has shown slow but steady development as a counterterrorism body and could potentially become the basis of a trading arrangement in the region. But India’s struggle to engage Central Asia and the Eurasian heartland is severely hampered by geography. The lack of a common border with Central Asia, the cordon created by Pakistan and China, the complexity of setting up a land-sea connection via Iran and Afghanistan severely constrains India’s economic footprint. Central Asia’s trade with Indian is about a fiftieth of the region’s trade with China. The possibility of a United States withdrawal from Afghanistan will only increase the difficulties India already faces.
India’s original entry was promoted by Russia to counter the influence of China in the region. Since then, Moscow has aligned itself with Beijing. The primary supporters of an active Indian role are the Central Asian countries themselves, desirous of geopolitical options beyond the two giants to their north and east. China’s overweening position is so evident that India had to agree not to directly criticise Pakistan in Bishkek. But many SCO members are pleased to join in poking Pakistan through more general statements about terrorism. Yet SCO is no one’s puppet: even China’s hopes for an SCO development bank and free trade agreement were shot down by others. These and similar pointers indicate there are enough chinks and gaps for India to exert leverage, so long as it is realistic about how far its writ will run.

Thanking you.

Bimstec

Bimstec is an important overlay to the neighbourhood policy. India has practised a protectionist trade policy for decades, ensuring that its Bay of Bengal neighbours have tended to look elsewhere for their external economic relations. Bimstec’s policy past has been as awkward and unmemorable as its name implies. Over the coming years, it must be transformed into a genuine free trade and investment agreement. It should be seen as a test of India’s ambitions to be a leading power. If India cannot harness the Bay of Bengal region firmly to its own trajectory, it can hardly aspire to have a lasting influence on any other part of the world.
Thanking you so much.

India must see Bimstec as a step towards global prominence #Sir Riko Mahato

By both word and deed, the new Narendra Modi government has signalled its determination to double down on its neighbourhood policy. The prime minister invited the heads of the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (Bimstec) for his inauguration along with the president of Mauritius. Modi has kicked off his second-term foreign policy with visits to the Maldives and Sri Lanka while External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar has gone to Bhutan. The foreign minister also outlined a regional policy that would operate on several layers. New Delhi would seek to promote Bimstec as the primary multilateral body for South Asia, escaping the Pakistan bottleneck that has crippled the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (Saarc). With his trip to the Maldives, the prime minister will have made a full state visit to all of India’s smaller neighbours. More practically, India must build connectivity among these neighbours to put flesh on the bones of its regional cooperation.

A stable neighbourhood has been at the top of India’s foreign policy goals since independence. But it is a policy that has struggled. The Pakistan problem has repeatedly sucked the oxygen out of the policy, with minimal rewards. New Delhi has been perceived with suspicion by many of the other countries, fuelled in part by its occasionally short-sighted interventions in their affairs. India has since become more generous in its attitudes to its eastern and maritime neighbours. It will move away from petty demands for reciprocity. It has carried out a historical turnaround in bilateral relations with Bangladesh. Thanks to China’s inroads, New Delhi has recognised the dangers of a poorly interlinked region. Just as useful, India has been increasingly able to persuade these neighbours that they are losing out economically by this lack of connectivity. Among the lessons learnt in the past five years, as the foreign minister pointed out recently, is how to finance and complete infrastructure projects, which is traditionally not an Indian strength.

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