Friday, July 7, 2017

Government of India in consultation with RBI decides to issue Sovereign Gold Bond Scheme 2017-18– Series II; Applications for the bond will be accepted from July 10, 2017 to July 14, 2017; The Bonds will be issued on July 28, 2017.

Government of India, in consultation with the Reserve Bank of India, has decided to issue Sovereign Gold Bonds 2017-18 – Series II. Applications for the bond will be accepted from July 10, 2017 to July 14, 2017. The Bonds will be issued on July 28, 2017. The Bonds will be sold through banks, Stock Holding Corporation of India Limited (SHCIL), designated post offices and recognised stock exchanges viz., National Stock Exchange of India Limited and Bombay Stock Exchange. The features of the Bond are given below:

Sl. No.
Item
Details
1
Product name
Sovereign Gold Bond 2017-18 – Series II
2
Issuance
To be issued by Reserve Bank India on behalf of the Government of India.
3
Eligibility
The Bonds will be restricted for sale to resident Indian entities including individuals, HUFs, Trusts, Universities and Charitable Institutions.
4
Denomination
The Bonds will be denominated in multiples of gram(s) of gold with a basic unit of 1 gram.
5
Tenor
The tenor of the Bond will be for a period of 8 years with exit option from 5th year to be exercised on the interest payment dates.
6
Minimum size
Minimum permissible investment will be 1 gram of gold.
7
Maximum limit
The maximum amount subscribed by an entity will not be more than 500 grams per person per fiscal year (April-March). A self-declaration to this effect will be obtained.
8
Joint holder
In case of joint holding, the investment limit of 500 grams will be applied to the first applicant only.
9
Issue price
Price of Bond will be fixed in Indian Rupees on the basis of simple average of closing price of gold of 999 purity published by the India Bullion and Jewellers Association Limited for the week (Monday to Friday) preceding the subscription period. The issue price of the Gold Bonds will be 50 per gram less than the nominal value.
10
Payment option
Payment for the Bonds will be through cash payment (upto a maximum of Rs. 20,000) or demand draft or cheque or electronic banking.
11
Issuance form
The Gold Bonds will be issued as Government of India Stocks under GS Act, 2006. The investors will be issued a Holding Certificate for the same. The Bonds are eligible for conversion into demat form.
12
Redemption price
The redemption price will be in Indian Rupees based on previous week’s (Monday-Friday) simple average of closing price of gold of 999 purity published by IBJA.
13
Sales channel
Bonds will be sold through banks, Stock Holding Corporation of India Limited (SHCIL), designated post offices as may be notified and recognised stock exchanges viz., National Stock Exchange of India Limited and Bombay Stock Exchange, either directly or through agents.
14
Interest rate
The investors will be compensated at a fixed rate of 2.50 per cent per annum payable semi-annually on the nominal value.
15
Collateral
Bonds can be used as collateral for loans. The loan-to-value (LTV) ratio is to be set equal to ordinary gold loan mandated by the Reserve Bank from time to time.
16
KYC Documentation
Know-your-customer (KYC) norms will be the same as that for purchase of physical gold. KYC documents such as Voter ID, Aadhaar card/PAN or TAN /Passport will be required.
17
Tax treatment
The interest on Gold Bonds shall be taxable as per the provision of Income Tax Act, 1961 (43 of 1961). The capital gains tax arising on redemption of SGB to an individual has been exempted. The indexation benefits will be provided to long term capital gains arising to any person on transfer of bond
18
Tradability
Bonds will be tradable on stock exchanges within a fortnight of the issuance on a date as notified by the RBI.
19
SLR eligibility
The Bonds will be eligible for Statutory Liquidity Ratio purposes.
20
Commission
Commission for distribution of the bond shall be paid at the rate of 1% of the total subscription received  by  the  receiving offices and receiving offices shall share at least 50% of the commission so received with the agents or sub agents for the business procured through them.

Monday, July 3, 2017

2 Indian-Americans to be honoured with Great Immigrants award

Two Indian-Americans, Adobe Chief Shantanu Narayen (54) and former US Surgeon General Vivek Murthy (39) have been chosen for prestigious Great Immigrants: The Pride of America Award 2017. They are among 38 distinguished US immigrants representing more than 30 countries of origin around the world honoured with this year’s award for their role in advancing US’s economy, society, and culture. Some the honourees include Canadian-origin social entrepreneur Jeff Skoll, PayPal cofounder of Ukrainian origin Max Levchin, Iranian-origin philanthropist and entrepreneur Hushang Ansary. Vivek Murthy Murthy was born in the UK. He is alumnus of Harvard and Yale. He was appointed as Surgeon General by former President Barack Obama in 2014, making the first-ever Indian-American and also the youngest to occupy the post. He was dismissed this in April 2017 by the Trump administration. Shantanu Narayen Narayen is a native of Hyderabad. He holds an undergraduate degree in electronics engineering, a master’s degree in computer science, and an MBA from UC Berkeley. He is a board member of Pfizer and US-India Business Council. At present, he is CEO of Adobe Systems. About Great Immigrants: The Pride of America Award The award is given annually on the occasion of Independence Day of United States i.e. 4th July to naturalised citizens of US for their contribution in advancing US’s economy, society, and culture. The award has been instituted by New York-based Carnegie Corporation in 2006. The honourees are recognised with a full-page public service announcement in The New York Times and an online public awareness initiative. The Carnegie Corporation was established in 1911 by Scottish immigrant Andrew Carnegie to promote the advancement and diffusion of knowledge and understanding. Carnegie Corporation’s founder Andrew Carnegie was one of pioneer American capitalist who had shaped the modern American industry and philanthropy. He was the son of impoverished immigrants who had settled in US.

India -China Border Disputes :-

Indian and Chinese troops are facing off once again in Sikkim at Doko-La (or Donglong, as the Chinese call it), which lies at the tri-junction of India, China and Bhutan. There have been growing tensions between India and China. The current confrontation, however, shows signs of escalating. Both countries have upped the ante and deployed around 3,000 troops each in the tri-junction. The Doklam area has huge strategic significance for both India and China. It close to proximity of sensitive Chicken’s Neck, or the Siliguri Corridor, which is an extremely narrow stretch of land that connects the north-eastern region to the rest of India.  Here is background of India-China Border dispute

India shares total boundary of around 3,488 km with China (second largest after Bangladesh). The Sino-Indian border is generally divided into three sectors namely: Western sector, Middle sector, and Eastern sector. 5 states viz. Jammu & Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh share border with China.

In the western sector, India shares about 2152 km long border with China. It is between Jammu and Kashmir and Xinjiang Province of China. In this sector, there is territorial dispute over Aksai Chin. Both countries went to war in 1962 over disputed territory of Aksai Chin. India claims it as part of Kashmir, while China claims it is part of Xinjiang. The dispute over Aksai Chin can be traced back to the failure of the British Empire to clearly demarcate a legal border between China and its Indian colony. During the time of British rule in India, two borders between India and China were proposed Johnson’s Line and McDonald Line. The Johnson’s line (proposed in 1865) shows Aksai Chin in Jammu and Kashmir i.e. under India’s control whereas McDonald Line (proposed in 1893) places it under China’s control. India considers Johnson Line as correct, rightful national border with China, while on the other hand, China considers the McDonald Line as the correct border with India. At present, Line of Actual Control (LAC) is the line separating Indian areas of Jammu and Kashmir from Aksai Chin. It is concurrent with the Chinese Aksai Chin claim line. Middle sector In this sector, India shares about 625 km long boundary with China which runs along the watershed from Ladakh to Nepal. The states of Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand touch this border with Tibet (China) in this sector. Both sides do not have much disagreement over border in this area. Eastern Sector In this sector, India shares 1,140 km long boundary with China. It runs from the eastern limit of Bhutan to a point near the Talu Pass at the trijunction of Tibet, India and Myanmar. This boundary line is called McMahon Line. The boundary was established along the Himalayan crest of the northern watershed of the Brahmaputra, except where the Kemang, Subansiri, Dihang and Lohit rivers break through that watershed. China considers the McMahon Line illegal and unacceptable claiming that Tibetans representatives who had sign the 1914 Convention held in Shimla which delineated the Mc Mahon line on the map were not having rights to do so. Present mechanism to resolve border issue India and China in 2003 had appointed Special Representatives to discuss the boundary question. In 2005, both sides had agreed on political parameters and guiding principles for a boundary settlement, will form the basis of the final settlement. So far 19 rounds of Special Representative Talks on the border have taken place (the latest was in April 2016).

Saturday, July 1, 2017

As President Donald Trump signals ‘America First’, Indian-Americans in the Silicon Valley begin to look beyond the bubble. More than H-1B visas, it is automation that threatens to alter the dynamics for all times to come

From his hilltop perch on the eastern side, across the San Fransisco Bay, Vinod Dham has a bird’s-eye view of the Silicon Valley. When the lights come on, the headquarters of Google, Facebook, Apple, Uber and Intel — where he once led the invention that revolutionised computing, the Pentium chip — are clearly visible.
The story of Dham’s journey, from chasing DTC buses in Delhi in the 1960s as an engineering student to the Fremont mansion where he lives now, is relegated to the background as software rock stars dominate the world’s digital imagination. But the mansion is testimony to his status in Silicon Valley — the higher up the hills that surround the Valley your house is, the higher up you are in the pecking order of its cut-throat social hierarchy. An eight-tonne stone Buddha sculpted in Mamallapuram near Chennai sits in the garden.
“It is exciting, and disconcerting,” Dham says of the emerging era of computing. “Disconcerting, because of the massive job losses and social displacement that is just round the corner. Artificial Intelligence (AI) is not like anything that humanity has seen so far.”

The spectre of automation

The argument that AI will be just another in the series of technology revolutions — like machine looms, automobiles and computers — that have transformed the world to what it is today, he says, is invalid. “All machines that came before were static. They did not do anything by themselves. They only did what the humans manipulated them to do. When a machine begins to do things by itself, after it is taught how to learn, we are in a different age. I am not saying that the machines will take over and we all will be killed. But we are entering a different era.”
The immediate disruption will be human jobs, which will have a cascading effect on other aspects of society and economy, he says. And it is not only the low-end jobs that will be displaced; the existing middle class will lose their jobs as well. One could argue that new jobs in data science, algorithms, etc. will create new jobs. “But that will only be a tiny fraction of jobs that will become redundant.”
The current debates on outsourcing, offshoring, trade deficit, etc. are therefore already redundant, according to Dham. Each country wants to make its economy strong and create jobs. “But nobody seems to be talking about the elephant in the room.” Which is technology taking away jobs.

Vinod Dham believes that the Indian government should stop trying to incubate start-ups and divert whatever money is available to public funding of technology education.   | Photo Credit: Varghese K. George


The current H-1B debate is a case in point. Indian IT companies have responded to U.S. President Donald Trump’s rhetoric against immigrant IT workers by reducing the number of visa applications and hiring more people locally in America. Some companies have also laid off people in their back-end offices in India. A U.S.-based executive of an Indian IT company that does data processing in Pune for a major American bank explains: “In the last two years, the pace at which automation has progressed, we could easily let go of 30-40% workers. The only reason we are not doing it is the potential political backlash.”
“Software is eating the world,” argued technology entrepreneur Marc Andreessen in a provocative piece in The Wall Street Journal in 2011, “… the technology required to transform industries through software finally works and can be widely delivered at global scale.”

The United States of India

The software explosion in the preceding decade is what put Indian engineers at the centre of Silicon Valley, California. Around 40% start-ups in the Valley have an Indian CEO, CTO, CFO or COO. As they expand, they are even ‘renaming’ the towns — Sunnyvale is called Surya Nagari; Mountain View is Paharganj and Fremont is Azad Nagar as the Indian invasion expands to new frontiers. In conversation with then presidential candidate Trump, Steven Bannon, now his chief strategist and then the head of Breitbart News, lamented in November 2015 that “two-thirds or three-quarters of the CEOs in Silicon Valley are from South Asia or from Asia”. The Indian-origin population is estimated to be 1% of the country’s total, and their representation in the U.S. Congress is also 1%. Silicon Valley is represented in the House of Representatives by Ro Khanna, the grandson of an Indian freedom fighter. The rising star among Democratic Senators, Kamala Harris from California is half-Indian, her mother Shyamala Gopalan hailing from Chennai.
American CEOs discovered India’s software prowess when they were struggling to fend off the Y2K catastrophe ahead of the turn of the millennium, and since then there has been no looking back for Indian engineers. But a new turn is here, says Dham. “AI is now eating software.” Dham had toyed with the idea of bringing hardware manufacturing to India, but gave up on it as the technology rapidly changed, making India an impossible destination. “But AI is a software opportunity that India must seize immediately,” he says. For one, Dham believes, the Indian government should stop trying to incubate start-ups and divert whatever money is available to public funding of technology education.
Dham worked closely with Intel co-founder Gordon Moore, whose prediction that the processing power of chips would double every 18 months has held true for at least 40 years. But that is now saturating. Transistor size has already reached subatomic proportions. “Next ten years it will muddle along,” says Dham. But AI will explode in the meantime. “People who can teach the computers to learn will be the most sought-after professionals.”
The political and social impact of this is reaching an inflection point and Donald Trump is a symptom of it. “He observed it, highlighted it and leveraged it to his benefit. He saw that this whole section of people has been disenfranchised and began talking about it. People living in Silicon Valley had no clue of what was happening in middle America. People have been hurting. Somebody should have been addressing that. Which I think is not being addressed even now. When AI comes, the problem will be more exacerbated. But at least he brought the spotlight on the issue,” says Dham.

Bunker beds and shared toilets

The journey to the hilltops in the Valley begins modestly. In earlier times, it typically began in a garage. Rents are so high that starters in the Valley often pay up to three quarters of their earnings in rents.
Negev, in downtown San Fransisco, is a community living facility for those who dream big but have little money. Named after the Israeli desert — the reclaiming of which is a national project — Negev itself is a start-up targeting millennials who prefer to avoid or delay marriage and are averse to buying fixed assets, explains Danny Haber, its co-founder. Newcomers and those starting out sleep on bunker beds and share kitchen, living area and toilets. The buildings are theme-based — introverts, social geeks, sporty-partying kinds, etc. In the evenings they share their experience of exploring opportunities in the Valley. Usually, the residents stay for about a year and then move out with friends they make at these communities.
Arjun Satish Fadnavis arrived here only a month ago from Bengaluru. A graduate from the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, he is now a management consultant with PricewaterhouseCoopers. He returned to India after graduation after missing out in the H-1B lottery in 2014. He tried again in 2015 from India to no avail. The third time, in 2016, he got lucky and is finally here, at a time companies have slowed down on applying for H-1B visas after Trump came to power.
Several Negev residents are working on their start-ups. Shaffi Mather, who arrived two years ago, has launched a pilot of his app in Punjab, aiming to do to health care what Uber has done to personal transportation. Mather’s MUrgency app aims to utilise idle ambulances and medical professionals to provide emergency medical care in less than 12 minutes. “Thousands of ambulances are available in cities but not used optimally, while emergency care is beyond reach for most people in India,” says the Keralite who counts Ratan Tata, Infosys co-founders Kris Gopalakrishnan and S.D. Shibulal, and the Azim Premji family among his investors. In the U.S., where emergency care is extremely efficient, the app seeks to make it affordable. For instance, in a recent incident, a small cut on a baby’s finger that required a band-aid left the family with a $600 bill. MUrgency will launch in the U.S next year.
Divey Gulati grew up in Delhi and reached Chicago in 2007 to study computer engineering. His break came in 2014 when his start-up idea made the cut at Y Combinator, an influential Silicon Valley start-up incubator. ShipBob, his start-up, offers a hybrid of software and logistics solutions to e-commerce start-ups for online deliveries. While it operates in Los Angeles, Chicago, New York, and San Fransisco, ShipBob is aiming to go global in the near future.
The journey to the top is arduous. But Indian-Americans are at it. “The emphasis on education is what makes the Indian community so successful in the Valley,” says Dham. “The difference between having and not having a college education has been huge in India, unlike America.”
When I meet Rehan Kumar (name changed), a 19-year-old university student whose parents came to the Silicon Valley 32 years ago, at an Indian restaurant in San Carlos, his mother by his side, he has a different story to tell about the emphasis on education, that is taking a severe toll on Indian-American kids. As his mother related how their pre-Y2K generation started with a one-bedroom apparent, then moved up to two before finally acquiring a house, Rehan interjects: “They made a load of money, and are now looking for ways to spend it. So they are recreating a new Renaissance era here. They want differentiators, they buy art, read about esoteric topics and flaunt their knowledge at parties, and go on exotic vacations.”
Rehan studied in a school in Palo Alto, where an overwhelming majority of his schoolmates were Indian-Americans. By eighth grade, many of his classmates were training in Unix and Java. “They all look the same, talk the same, wear the same thick glasses and march to Vishu and Pongal celebrations. On weekends, they go to study Hindu culture and philosophy,” he says. But that is still not enough, as Princeton, Harvard and Yale look for ‘well-rounded’ candidates during admission screening, which is the topmost subject of discussion for Indian parents. And these kids are not the ones who plan to stay in Negev — the mansion is very much on their mind, always.
Classical dance, classic music, and theatre cohabit with Unix and Java in their universe. When they go on vacation to India, it is a Dangal-style regimen for them. “Getting up at 4 a.m. to study dance or music. And crash courses run throughout the vacation. They come back to the Valley exhausted after the vacation,” says his mother. Adds Rehan, “Every kid is under a lot of pressure. From peers, from parents. To make it to an Ivy League [institution], then to land an internship at Google or Apple, then to find a job, then to have a start-up of your own… and join the race.”

It’s a pressure cooker

Rehan likens Indian performance in the Silicon Valley to the performance of a pressure cooker. “You throw it all in, shut it and wait for a quick result.” It can blast too. After seeing it all, including three suicides of Indian-American kids in the school, and overcoming a depression, Rehan has decided that he wants to dance only for the sake of dancing. And grow up in the slower lane.
However, for the Y2K generation, and those with uncertain immigration status, questions are different. Rishi Bhilawadikar came to study in the U.S. in 2005 and is on an H-1B visa to date. “For here or to go?,” the question that anyone is asked while ordering fast food in American restaurants, has a profound existential meaning for people like Bhilawadikar. Exploring the questions that confront Indian-Americans with temporary work visas, Bhilawadikar wrote a feature filmFor here or to go? with Rajit Kapur and Omi Vaidya among its cast. “The Indian-Americans community’s contribution is barely appreciated here. Moreover, the uncertainly surrounding our immigration status makes our personal lives so uncertain and stops us from realising our full potential here,” he says. Bhilawadikar continues to work in a technology company through weekdays and promotes his film on weekends.
Silicon Valley was outraged when Trump pressed ahead with restrictions on travel from several Muslim countries to America, and many, including Google’s Sundar Pichai and Apple’s Tim Cook protested. Few months down, the Valley is taking a closer look.
Bruce Fram, a 30-year Silicon Valley veteran who has been the CEO of six venture capitalist-backed companies, says the victory of Trump has broken the bubble that techies lived in. They are now getting to hear more about the America that they hardly knew existed. As Facebook founder Mark Zuckerburg said while addressing students on May 25 at Harvard, the university that he dropped out of a decade ago, “Let’s face it. There is something wrong with our system when I can leave here [Harvard] and make billions of dollars in 10 years while millions of students can’t afford to pay off their loans, let alone start a business.”
In the Silicon Valley, CEOs and Uber drivers always talk about diversity. At evening dinners, CEOs are asked to raise their hands if they increased renewables in their energy mix since they last met. But the rise of Trump has been the moment of political baptism for the Valley as they begin to look beyond the bubble. But the distance between them and the rest of the world is not easy to bridge. Here, men can love men or women and women can love men or women. But most of them love machines the most. Machines that solve the problems of the world. When Silicon Valley solves the problem of road accidents in the U.S. caused by human error by automating driving, three million truck drivers will be rendered jobless. Every solution has a problem. Trump is only a symptom.

When UPA wanted to implement GST in 2006, BJP declined to cooperate but now Congress has fully cooperated with NDA government.

Former Union Finance Minister and senior Congress leader P Chidambaram has termed the Goods and Services Tax (GST) imperfect with major flaws. He said the Modi government had hurriedly pushing through the new tax sstem when the country was unprepared.
“This is a very imperfect tax measure that has been rushed through or pushed through against the wishes of large majority of small and medium business persons,” he told reporters in Karaikudi on Saturday. When it was very clear that the country was not ready and many glitches had to be removed, the BJP government, in anxiety, had pushed through the tax measure, ignoring legitimate criticisms, he said.
The Congress was the original proponent of the GST but “this is not the GST designed by experts, this is not the GST advised by the Chief Economic Adviser, this is not the GST contemplated by the Congress and this is not the GST the country deserves,” he said Mr. Chidambaram alleged that too many compromises had been made adding to the imperfections in the GST. The major flaws were the multiple tax rates, the diarchy — both the Centre and the State governments exercising jurisdictions, keeping out petroleum products, electricity, alcohol and many aspects of real estate from the GST and the most obnoxious and draconian anti-profiteering provision, he said. 
‘This bizarre provision must have been conceived by someone who does not understand economics or business or market economy,” he said. All these flaws should have been removed and people given time before rolling out the new tax measure.
“Nothing would have been lost if the government deferred the rollout by two to three months,” he said. The GST should have been tested in trial runs and the glitches removed. Without all this, the government had rushed through the tax regime.”
Reiterating the Congress’s support to the GST, Mr Chidambaram said “this imperfect GST, which is pushed through when the country is unprepared, is a grave mistake''. He hoped that the price of the mistake was not too high. He wanted the government to engage the Opposition and remove the mistakes.
When he announced the GST on February 28, 2006 and the Congress-led UPA government wanted to implement it by 2012 or 2013, the BJP declined to cooperate and, therefore, the GST was stalled. But after the BJP came to power, the Congress fully cooperated with the government, he noted.

Walk the talk: Modi’s remarks on cow vigilantism need to backed by action

While it is impossible to fault Prime MinisterNarendra Modi for speaking up against killing in the name of cow protection, it is equally impossible to be convinced about its earnestness and efficacy. His remarks at an event in Mahatma Gandhi’s Sabarmati ashram have come at a time when there is a groundswell of popular revulsion about violent, even murderous, cow vigilantism, leaving the unfortunate impression that it was but a response to public pressure. The #NotInMyName movement, which began with a Facebook invitation to participate in a protest in Delhi, had assumed viral dimensions, with other cities in India and elsewhere in the world organising or planning to organise similar events. What began as a somewhat limited mobilisation to campaign against lynching morphed into a broader movement involving all communities against state apathy to the phenomenon. The timing is not the only thing that gives rise to scepticism about Mr. Modi’s observations about cow vigilantism. Frequency is the other issue. A phenomenon that has wreaked violence, affected livelihoods, and created insecurities over the last couple of years — all of which have been compounded by a mischievous and hugely flawed order to regulate cattle sale — is deserving of a more muscular and frequent response. More importantly, it needs to be coupled with tangible action on the ground.
One of the contradictions that Mr. Modi must square up to as well as grapple with is that, by and large, aggressive cow vigilantes who take the law into their own hands are members or sympathisers of one or the other organisations of the Sangh Parivar, the Bharatiya Janata Party’s extended family. Given this, words are simply not enough — unaccompanied by strong corroborative action, they only serve to perpetuate the lie that the top is either totally divorced from the distasteful happenings at the bottom or that it doesn’t have the means to control it. It is true that as Prime Minister, Mr. Modi has no direct control over law and order, which is a State subject. But as the BJP’s most popular leader, one who has no real rivals in the party, he must wield his influence and power to crack down on those who indulge in violence in the name of cow protection. In the absence of this, Mr Modi’s remarks may constitute nothing more than a mild reprimand. There is no denying that speech is better than silence and his remarks may help sharpen the focus on how determined governments are to uphold the rule of law — firmly, decisively, and in a manner that deters cow vigilantism. Any politician worth his salt knows there is Condemnation and there is condemnation. Mr. Modi should show us that he hasn’t used the small .

With the adoption of GST, a clear road map is needed to simplify the indirect tax regime

 A landmark reform, India today switches to a new indirect tax system, the Goods and Services Tax. The GST subsumes the multiple Central, State and local taxes and cesses levied on goods and services, unifying the country into a single market, thereby making it easier to do business and ensure tax compliance. This will attract investors and more efficiently mop up revenues for the exchequer. The reform has been years in the making, and having shown the political will to finally pull it off, the Central government must work with the States to chart a road map to simplify the tax regime. Currently there are multiple tax rates ranging from 0% to 28%, plus a cess on some products, creating incentives for lobbying and rent-seeking. The level of preparedness for the new tax system too is not optimal, with sections of industry, trade as well as the bureaucracy visibly anxious about several aspects of the GST’s operational and legal framework. In response, the date for businesses to file the first GST returns has been deferred. The generation of e-way bills for moving goods worth over ₹50,000 too has been put on hold, along with the requirement for e-commerce portals to deduct tax at source from small sellers. The GST Network, which will digitally capture billions of transactions daily, was not able to test its software in advance; and there is concern about the preparedness of intermediaries mandated to help businesses transition to the completely electronic compliance system. The coming days therefore could test the system, and the capacity of the authorities to think on their feet will be vital.
The GST impact: What will be cheaper, which ones are going to be expensive?As it stands, the GST in its initial avatar has a complicated structure, with far too many tax rates that could lead to classification disputes, and with the exclusion of key inputs such as petroleum products (with particularly high indirect tax levies). The Finance Minister has asked industry to ensure that the benefits of GST rate cuts are passed on to consumers, but it is not clear how businesses with higher tax incidence are to adjust pricing strategies or how the stringent anti-profiteering clauses will be interpreted. The transitory effects on India’s largely informal economy, which has already been hit by demonetisation, must be watched closely. Tax buoyancy, an easier investment climate and the 1% to 2% growth spurt expected from GST may take some time to be realised. Yet, reforms are the art of the possible and the government has said it will strive to rationalise the number of tax rates and bring excluded sectors into the GST over time. This is the first step in the evolution of the GST, and some initial hiccups are perhaps inevitable in a system founded on political consensus and federal adjustments. This is why it is unfortunate that some opposition parties, including the Congress which led the initiative on the GST for much of the past decade, decided to boycott the midnight inauguration in Parliament’s Central Hall.

Finding funds: On COP28 and the ‘loss and damage’ fund....

A healthy loss and damage (L&D) fund, a three-decade-old demand, is a fundamental expression of climate justice. The L&D fund is a c...